With Diverse Tactics, Women's Rights Activists Shaped Iran's Elections
Although there are no official statistics on the number of women who participated in the fourteenth presidential election in Iran, evidence suggests that participation was limited. Mardomak, a research firm, reviewed a random sample of over 8,000 Iranian twitter users one week before the election. Of this sample, just 18 percent were women who supported Pezeshkian. Double that proportion supported one of the two hardline candidates, Saeed Jalili and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, while 39 percent intended to abstain from the election.
But even if most women voters did not participate in the election, they still had a significant impact on its outcome. In a recent interview with the reformist newspaper Etemad, Shirin Ahmadnia, a sociology professor at Allameh Tabataba’i University, underscored the ways in which women have transformed the political arena through new forms of activism, including election boycotts.
For years, the Iranian women’s movement had adopted a “pressure from below, bargaining from above” approach to activism, aiming to bring about reform through a combination of tactics. But political elites were unswayed by the social pressure and unwilling to engage in good-faith negotiations—the situation of women remained largely the same, whether a moderate or fundamentalist was president. The Women, Life, Freedom movement, which emerged after the death of Mahsa (Jina) Amini, brought a new urgency to the fight for gender equality. Iranian women were no longer mobilizing to with the goal of reform. They wanted fundamental political change.
The death of Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter accident led to new elections. Surprisingly, the Guardian Council, a vetting body, approved Pezeshkian to run. Faced with an unexpected election and a surprising candidate, some women activists did choose to vote, casting their ballots for Pezeshkian, who was backed by reformists and moderates. My conversations with nine women’s rights activists in Iran revealed complex feelings about the election and the best tactics to improve the status of women in Iranian society. Their names have been changed for their own safety.
Leila, an activist and writer, did not vote in either round of the election, but she deliberated voting in the second round. “I have not participated in elections since 2021. I asked myself: Should women participate in the elections when the presidential candidates promise nothing about women’s rights? As a woman, why should I participate in the elections of a state that does not show flexibility for women’s rights?”
Leila understood why some women may have opted to vote when Pezeshkian made it to the second round. “I think some of those who had not voted in the first round participated in the second round because [Jalili] represented religious fundamentalism, which worried me too. But in the end, I decided not to vote because I believed Pezeshkian’s chances of winning were high.”
Historically, women’s rights activists have been considered part of the reformist’s base. But a perceived neglect of women’s demands has led the reformists to lose much of this support. Maryam, a journalist who focuses on women’s issues has volunteered for reformist campaigns in the past. But she did not vote for Pezeshkian. She referred to a feeling of disappointment as candidates failed to make good on their promises. “I did not vote because I have no hope. My friends and I feel disillusioned with the reformists, with politics, and with elections. The president does not play a pivotal role in this dictatorial system.”
Many women experience double discrimination due to their ethnicity. Sahar, an activist from the Iranian province of Kurdistan, viewed abstention as a form of civil resistance. “I did not vote because civil laws, family rights, and political rights discriminate against me due to my gender,” she explained. “Legal reform has stalled for years. Moreover, my ethnicity, language, and identity still lack representation in political discussions.”
Sahar criticized Pezeshkian’s stance on women, adding “According to Pezeshkian, women’s social presence and gender justice are intertwined with their role within the family. He believes a woman’s identity should be defined solely within the family institution. In essence, women are denied individual freedoms and citizenship rights beyond household duties. His traditional thinking fails to recognize each woman’s independent identity.”
While many Iranian women grew disillusioned in the aftermath of the Women, Life, Freedom protests, for others, the turning point came earlier. For Haleh, who was jailed for her activism against the compulsory hijab law, this moment came after the downing of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, which was hit by Iranian anti-aircraft missiles in January 2020. Explaining her decision to boycott the election, Haleh pointed to the failure of the government to create accountability.
“The main reason for me, even before the candidates were announced and before knowing whether we would have a reformist candidate or not, was that after the plane incident, I became disillusioned with the reforms,” Haleh explained. I was convinced that the path we had followed all these years would no longer work. In the past, I had hope and believed that voting for the reformists would lead us down the right path. But now, I ask myself, what difference does it make whether Jalili or Pezeshkian is president?”
While few women’s rights activists believe that Pezeshkian’s victory will lead to fundamental change, particularly on women’s issues, some believe that having a reform-minded president will make a difference. Many women’s rights activists saw voting for Pezeshkian as a chance to address economic hardships, revitalize social movements, and create greater space for women to voice their demands. Many women’s rights activists are struggling to make a living, which makes it difficult for them to sustain their activism.
According to Soudabeh, an activist and social worker, Pezeshkian’s promise to put technocrats back in charge of policy earned him the vote of some women. “They believed that Pezeshkian could address the deterioration of Iran’s economy by appointing people who are more knowledgeable and moderate to key positions. Iran’s situation is like a person with an incurable disease, and the Pezeshkian’s presidency might help slow or reverse the country’s deterioration.”
Some women’s rights activists working in governmental organizations or managing NGOs expressed a similar hope for the Pezeshkian administration. Shahla, an employee of a governmental organization, contrasted the Rouhani and Raisi governments. “During the Rouhani administration, despite its weaknesses, some women activists held management positions. With the fundamentalist representatives now in parliament, we cannot expect fundamental changes, but we are optimistic about social openings for women under Pezeshkian. Positive changes have already begun in our organization, indicating that while the president may not be able change the structure of the system, he can still influence social policies. I believe the state has acknowledged public dissatisfaction and is considering implementing changes, however small.’’
Despite Iran’s structural discrimination against women, some women’s rights activists still believe that they must not abandon the political arena. They seek improvements, however small, such as creating spaces to express their demands. Shadi, who runs an NGO for women, described the risks when fundamentalists gain power. “Most of us with NGOs working on women’s rights encouraged others to vote despite facing punishment for our activism. We endured the suffocating atmosphere of the Raisi era. Now, a small hope has emerged. Since Pezeshkian has been elected, some people in the governmental organizations we deal with have retreated from their fundamentalist stances.”
Shadi challenged the notion that activists should welcome the further deterioration of conditions in Iran. “Some have criticized me for founding an NGO, believing that increasing social problems could lead to the [Islamic Republic’s] downfall. In these years, so many women have been killed, yet nothing has happened to the state. These expectations are abstract. We must protect women and create spaces where diverse voices are heard,” she insisted. “We must not allow fundamentalists to take power in all three branches of government.”
Reyhaneh, an activist and law student, voted for Pezeshkian in the first round of the election. “I voted in the first round because I believe that the social movements need revitalization, and Pezeshkian’s presidency offers a greater likelihood of this compared to Jalili. Additionally, my decision was grounded in a pragmatic view of potential changes in the country.” Reyhaneh hoped for “less fear on the streets, less suppression of university students, and fewer professors dismissed.”
But she abstained in the second round. “In the second round, I paid closer attention to the debates, and the inconsistency of Pezeshkian’s statements about the economy dissuaded me from voting. For instance, he once emphasized that we should not allow people to experience poverty; yet in another context, he advocated for minimal government intervention.’’
Reyhaneh has low expectations as Pezeshkian prepares for his inauguration. “I don’t anticipate a reversal in policies regarding hijab, which concerns many of us. There may be some changes in the distribution of positions held by women, and more educated women may enter the government roles, but the glass ceiling will likely remain intact.’’
Saba, a sociologist who supported Pezeshkian, understands why many of her fellow activists refused to vote. She says Iranian women are engaging in “intentional neglect.” These women are no longer abstaining from voting to express anger towards Iran’s political elite. Instead, they are indifferent. “Women are signaling to the state, ‘We want nothing to do with you. We are forging our own paths, building our own businesses to maintain independence, crafting our own narratives, and creating separate media spaces on social platforms. Every day, we distance ourselves further from you,’” Saba explained.
In a campaign statement addressing “the main demands of today’s women,” Pezeshkian acknowledged that “today’s women do not want someone other than themselves to decide their marriage, education, career, clothing, and lifestyle.” Pezeshkian was the only candidate to issue such a statement, which declared that “the expansion and realization of gender justice will not only improve the condition of women but also to the revival of life in Iran.’’ He promised to “respect [women’s] choices” and to “provide a platform” for Iranian women “to become the best versions of themselves.”
Pezeshkian will begin his term without a mandate from Iranian women, but it is still in his interest to fulfill his promises to them. Should he fail to do so, Iranian women will boldly challenge him, as they have challenged his predecessors.
Photo: IRNA
