Can Abbas Araghchi Reshape Iran's Foreign Policy?
On August 21, Iranian lawmakers confirmed veteran diplomat Abbas Araghchi as the country’s new foreign minister. Araghchi secured the support of 247 out of 288 MPs in Iran’s parliament, the Majles. Despite the vote total, Araghchi’s nomination was fiercely contested by hardliners. His confirmation hearing reflected the ongoing struggle between pragmatism and hardline revolutionary ideals that continue to shape the country’s foreign policy, and previewed many pitfalls he will face as foreign minister.
To secure his confirmation, Araghchi, like all of President Masoud Pezeshkian’s cabinet nominees, reaffirmed his unwavering loyalty to revolutionary ideals of the Islamic Republic and the Supreme Leader’s directives. Araghchi was addressing a legislature dominated by hardliners. During the parliamentary elections in March, the Guardian Council, a vetting body, had disqualified many moderate candidates. Voters responded by boycotting the elections and hardliners solidified their hold on the legislature.
While many of Pezeshkian’s nominees faced resistance, Araghchi’s confirmation as foreign minister was especially fraught. The confirmation hearings also took place while Iranian officials await the outcome of the Gaza ceasefire negotiations and continue to warn they will hit back at Israel for the assassination of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 30. In Iran’s current political climate, loyalty to the revolution is often measured by one’s stance on foreign policy issues, particularly regarding the U.S., Israel, and Iran’s support for “resistance front” groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Any deviation from the hardline position on these issues is characterized as betrayal.
Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamanei, sets the strategic framework, redlines, and priorities for foreign policy, as underscored during his endorsement of Masoud Pezeshkian’s election on July 28. While the foreign minister and president must operate within these parameters, they still hold a vote in the Supreme National Security Council and can use public statements to put pressure on unelected bodies in Iran. Additionally, their personal ties to other national security figures, such as senior leaders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), can enable them to influence policy.
Despite these means, the outgoing administration did not seek to actively shape Iran’s foreign policy. Neither President Ebrahim Raisi nor Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, who were both killed in a helicopter accident in May, sought to advance a foreign policy that conflicted with the Supreme Leader’s redlines, the IRGC’s influence, or the parliament’s lawmaking. By contrast, the Rouhani administration, during which Araghchi was deputy foreign minister, publicly clashed with other power centers. This dynamic explains why Araghchi, like other nominees who served under Rouhani, drew sharp criticism from staunch hardliners.
Critics focused on Araghchi’s past as Iran’s lead nuclear negotiator, a role he held from 2013 to 2021. MPs like Mohammadreza Ahmadi Sangar and Mohammadreza Sabbaghian argued that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which Araghchi helped craft, was flawed from the start—a misguided deal that left Iran vulnerable to the whims of President Donald Trump, who withdrew from the agreement in 2018. Amirhossein Sabeti, a protégé of Saeid Jalili, who lost the presidential election to Pezeshkian, was perhaps Araghchi’s most vocal opponent. Sabeti argued that in the last months of the Rouhani administration, Araghchi was seeking a new nuclear deal that went beyond Khamanei’s redlines and would have effectively dismantled the resistance front. He also criticized the loss of nuclear capabilities that were key concessions of the JCPOA, including the decommissioning of the Arak reactor.
Iranian legislators have been seeking a greater role in defining Iran’s foreign policy. They want the kind of influence wielded by the U.S. Congress over international negotiations. In 2020, the Majles passed the Strategic Action Law, which effectively bars attempts to revive the JCPOA in its original form. The law, which was pushed by hardliners and endorsed by Khamenei, is as a double-edged sword—it provides leverage but also limits the flexibility needed to strike a deal that would relieve Iran’s economic woes.
For Araghchi, the JCPOA represented a calculated risk that preserved Iran’s position on the global stage, even as the Trump administration tried—and failed—to bury the deal at the United Nations Security Council. It is a legacy he has defended. During his hearing, Araghchi pointed out that the Raisi administration undertook its own nuclear negotiations. Even so, he indicated that he will take a fresh approach to any new talks and “strive to get the best agreement” in light of the Strategic Action Law. During his speech, he vowed to prioritize sanctions neutralization, a priority set forth by the Supreme Leader. But he also highlighted the necessity of lifting sanctions.
Araghchi understands that solving the nuclear issue is the key to addressing many of Iran’s economic challenges. The Pezeshkian administration aims to implement the ambitious 7th Development Plan, which targets an 8 percent annual growth rate—a goal that seems far-fetched given Iran’s economic isolation under sanctions. Iran needs around $60 billion in annual foreign direct investment. According to Hadi Ghavami, an MP who spoke in favor of Araghchi’s nomination, the country currently receives one-thirtieth of that amount.
During his confirmation hearing, Araghchi emphasized that while relations with the U.S. will continue to be defined by antagonism, his goal is to manage the rivalry and avoid escalation. This is part of the “heroic flexibility” needed to return back to the negotiating table. He also called upon Europe to enhance its ties with Tehran and to “return back to the list of areas of priorities for Iran.” The relationship with Europe remains fraught, clouded by the fallout from the JCPOA, the Woman, Life, Freedom protests, and Iran’s support for Russia in its war on Ukraine. Yet Araghchi emphasized that constructive global engagement is essential for any vision for development and managed to get hardliners to vote for him despite this vision.
Iranian officials have heavily invested in the country’s “Eastward turn” in recent years. The push for closer alignments with Russia and China began during the Rouhani administration but reached new heights under Raisi. But the strategy has not paid off. While Iran’s security relationship with Moscow is deeper than ever before, it has also become a liability, isolating Iran further from the international community. In a similar vein, China’s role as a key economic partner for Iran cannot be understated. Yet, there’s growing concern in Tehran that the relationship has become too one-sided, especially as Iran’s neighbors enjoy economic rewards from their trade with China.
At the same time, Tehran has recognized the opportunities presented by a shifting global landscape. Iran is looking to expand its influence into the Global South—Latin America, Africa, and East Asia. Through this understanding, multilateralism is a key factor in Iran’s core foreign policy strategy, reflected in the increasing involvement in platforms like BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Eurasian Economic Union. For Tehran, these alliances are more than symbolic; they are part of a broader effort to counterbalance sanctions pressure while positioning Iran as a significant player in a multipolar world. Pezeshkian has been invited to attend the upcoming BRICS summit in Russia in October, soon after he participates at the UN General Assembly in New York for the first time in September.
To secure the trust of the hardliners, Araghchi declared that “resistance diplomacy” is at “the foundation of Iran's foreign policy approach.” In this view, supporting groups like Hezbollah and Hamas is not just policy; it is a core principle of the revolution. Araghchi’s challenge is to convince the international community that Iran’s continued support for the resistance front is not an inherent threat to regional or global security. This is a difficult task when considering the fragility of the growing rapprochement and diplomatic engagements between Iran and the Arab states. There is considerable skepticism amongst Iran’s southern neighbors about the trajectory of the country’s foreign policy and whether deescalation can be sustained.
Ultimately, Araghchi will need to strike a balance when reshaping Iran’s foreign policy. He must find a way to pursue pragmatic diplomacy in a way that coheres with the ideas of resistance that hold sway over Iran’s hardline politicians. A cautionary tale can be seen in the legacy of Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, under whom Araghchi served as deputy foreign minister. Despite securing major concessions for Iran in various high-stakes negotiations, he failed to penetrate the conservative decision-making circles that ultimately dictate Iran’s broader foreign policy.
Araghchi may have more success. MPs appear encouraged by Pezeshkian’s effort to form a “unity cabinet” and seem to appreciate Araghchi’s closer alignment to key power centers. Iran’s new foreign minister has an opportunity to reshape the country’s foreign policy, cutting a creative path through the rigid confines of the political landscape. Whether he succeeds will depend on his ability to recast pragmatism as a tool of resistance.
Photo: IRNA
