Iran’s new foreign minister has an opportunity to reshape the country’s foreign policy, cutting a creative path through the rigid confines of the political landscape.
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All tagged JCPOA
Iran’s new foreign minister has an opportunity to reshape the country’s foreign policy, cutting a creative path through the rigid confines of the political landscape.
Western governments believe that Iran’s continued enrichment activities are allowing Iranian nuclear scientists to gain “irreversible knowledge.” But what if sanctions pose their own irreversible knowledge problem?
Reports indicate that the “final hurdle” facing the Iran nuclear negotiations is Iran’s demand for the removal of the Foreign Terrorist Organisation designation placed on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, part of Iran’s armed forces.
The sanctions relief afforded to Iran in January 2016 as part of the implementation of the JCPOA did not lead to a cascade—while a significant number of foreign companies did commence or resume operations in Iran, no larger, second cohort followed.
The choice we face as those working on Iran policy is not about choosing between Plan A or Plan B—it is much bigger than that.
Sanctions relief will enable Iran to buy the industrial goods that will undergird the country’s economic resilience for the next two decades.
If Iranian leaders are concerned that the “economic war” might resume if Trump returns to office 2024, they ought to remember that they are in an economic war right now. The restoration of the JCPOA represents an opportunity for a useful ceasefire.
A new report from the Majlis Research Center offers the first assessment of what “verified” sanctions relief might look like, providing a glimpse into how negotiators will take forward a key demand set out by Iran’s Supreme Leader.
The Raisi administration must ensure that Iran’s foreign policy serves to minimise external challenges, so that the capacity of the government can be focused on the domestic crises where the needs are most acute.
Trump tied American jobs to endless wars in the Middle East. Biden should link them to renewed diplomacy.
Unwinding sanctions will be central to reviving the nuclear deal. If the Biden administration wants a lasting solution, it must involve Iran’s central bank governor.
The Arab moment has passed. Competition between non-Arab powers—Turkey, Iran, and Israel—will shape the region’s future.
An enduring hawkishness shapes France-Iran relations and the French leadership may discourage Biden from making conciliatory gestures towards Iran.
Earlier this week, Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, the foreign minister of Qatar, travelled to Tehran in the latest instance of Doha's efforts to act as a facilitator for the resolution of international conflicts.
Maintaining maximum pressure to inflict more pain won’t bring Tehran back to the negotiating table or halt Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
Iran’s Supreme Leader has insisted that the US must lift sanctions “in practice” and not “on paper,” noting that Iran would seek to “verify” any sanctions relief as part of US re-entry into the nuclear deal. But unlike Iran’s own nuclear commitments, which are verified by the IAEA, there is no such body to ensure sanctions relief is being implemented.
Iran will expect economic benefits as part of any mutual return to compliance with the nuclear deal. If Washington and Europe hope to offer a meaningful economic incentive, engaging with the private sector and managing Tehran’s expectations will be key.
Insisting that Iran must abandon its missile program could see Joe Biden fall into the hardliners’ trap and make a new agreement impossible.
By the end of the 1920s, US-Iran relations had reached a low-point and archaeology was “about the only thing” that stood “ much chance of bringing results” in a fraught diplomatic relationship. Nearly a century later, as Biden prepares a new push for better relations with Iran, archaeology could again play a central role.
The Biden administration should propose a serious rollback of U.S. sanctions—including over the use of the U.S. dollar—in return for diplomatic relations, a JCPOA 2.0 that indefinitely extends restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program, and a nonaggression pact.
